Last modified: 2010-06-11 by ivan sache
Keywords: new caledonia | nouvelle-caledonie | oceania | france |
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French national flag - Image by Željko Heimer, 22 September 2001
New Caledonia (196,836 inhabitants in 1996; 18,575 sq. km) is a French sui generis collectivity located in the South Pacific, 1,500 km east of Australia and 1,700 km north of New Zealand. New Caledonia is made mostly of a main island called la Grande Terre (the Great Land, 400 x 50 km, locally known as le Caillou - the Stone) and the archipelago of Iles Loyauté.
There are two main ethnic groups in New Caledonia, the native Melanesians (Kanaks), that represent 44.1 % of the population, and the Europeans (called Caldoches when descending from the French colons, otherwise called Métropolitains - Métros - or Zoreilles), that represent 34.1% of the population. The other ethnic groups are Polynesians from Wallis and Futuna (9%), Indonesians (2.6%), other Polynesians (2.5%), Viet Namese (1.4%) and Ni-Vanuatu (1.1%).
Early history (until 1946)
New Caledonia was most probably settled by Melanesians coming from
Malaysia c. 5000 BP. More than 3000 BP, other immigrants came from the
Solomon and Vanuatu islands; Polynesians might also have landed in New Caledonia from the Tonga, Samoa and Fiji islands.
On 5 September 1774, Captain James Cook (1728-1779) was the first European to land in New Caledonia; he landed during his second Pacific expedition (1772-1775) in Balabio, in the north of Grande Terre. The landscape reminded him his birth country, Scotland, called by the Romans Caledonia, and he named the territory New Caledonia. On 20 September, he sailed to the southern end of Grande Terre and discovered Pines Island, today Ile des Pins. Other British sailors discovered the Loyalty Islands, named so because the islanders were loyal to them; the islands were renamed in French Îles Loyauté.
Britain showed little interest for New Caledonia and did not attempt to colonize it. In 1840, teachers from the London Missionary Society settled on the Iles Loyauté; on 20 December 1843, a French Marist mission, supported by the government and the army, also settled there. The Protestant pastors and the Catholic missionaries then struggled, often violently, for the control of the island and the evangelization of the population. In 1845, the British trader James Paddon purchased the Nou island from a local chief and founded a colony; he sold his estate to France in 1858.
The French sailors Bruny d'Entrecasteaux (1737-1793) and Huon de
Kermadec moored near Iles des Pins on 7 June 1792. Nothing more
happened until Jules Dumont d'Urville (1790-1842) was commissioned to
map the coasts of New Caledonia. French soldiers landed on Grande Terre
in 1844; following the slaughter of 12 French sailors by Melanesians,
Emperor Napoléon III ordered Counter Admiral Febvrier-Despointes to
take possession on the name of France of Grande Terre (24 September
1853) and Ile des Pins (29 September 1853).
From 1853 to 1860, New Caledonia was incorporated to the Établissements français de l'Océanie, administrated from Tahiti. In 1863, the colonial government forbid the teaching of any language but French, mostly to limit the influence of the British pastors. Captain Tardy de Montravel founded the colony of Port-de-France, renamed Nouméa in 1866 to avoid confusion with Fort-de-France in Martinique. Colonization started very slowly, so that the colonial administration decided to grant pieces of land to newcomers; the spoliation of the native started in 1855, when the most fertile lands were declared "unoccupied" and granted to the colons.
From 1860 to 1885, the territory was ruled by an omnipotent Governor hardly controlled by the very remote French authorities. In 1864, Governor Gillain (1862-1870) unilaterally proclaimed the incorporation of Îles Loyauté to New Caledonia to get rid of the British missionaries; the proclamation was later confirmed by the French government.
Colonization, however, was about to fail. As he did in French Guiana, Napoléon III set up in New Caledonia a penal colony, as provided by the Law of
30 May 1854, that prescribed the transportation of criminals into
the colonies. Due to its remote and isolated location, New Caledonia
was used to lock political prisoners. Like in Guiana and to
insure populating, the released prisoners were forced to stay on the
island as many years as thay had been sentenced, too. The first group of
250 convicts landed in New Caledonia in May 1864. More than 4,300
political prisoners were jailed on the territory after the insurrection
of the Commune de Paris in 1871. They were joined by thousands of
Algerian Arabs and Berbers who had revolted the same year in the
eastern part of Algeria. However, the majority of the convicts were
French criminals; from 1864 to its closure in 1897, the penal colony
housed more than 20,000 prisoners. In 1870, Nouméa had only 300
inhabitants, including 100 seamen.
After the amnisty laws voted in 1879 and 1880, most of the released convicts came back to Europe. The colonial administration decided to grant to "the most deserving" a "supreme award", that is a piece of land.
The populating of the territory was indeed boosted by the nickel rush (1870), following the discovery of nickel ore by Jules Garnier in 1863. The incorporation of Alsace-Moselle to Germany also favoured emigration to New Caledonia. Article 4 of Decree of 27 May 1884 stated that a piece of land was granted for free to every emigrant (French, of course), made of a village plot, a crop plot and a pasture plot. Voluntary emigration, however, was not very efficient and Governor Feillet decided to "import" 500 families, the so-called colons Feillet from European France in 1894. The SLN (Société Le Nickel), founded in 1880, attracted from 1895 to 1900 a lot of immigrants from India and Java, and later Viet Namese. The immigration did not stop during the 20th century, especially with the arrival of pieds-noirs expelled from Algeria after the independence and Polynesians from Wallis and Futuna, who are today in greater number in New Caledonia than in Wallis and Futuna.
These successive waves of immigration increased the spoliation of the Melanesians, who progressively lost their land, underground and culture.
Recent history and evolution of the status of New Caledonia
The infamous Code de l'Indigénat, which ruled all the French colonies
and denied any elementary right to the native populations, was
promulgated in 1887 and abolished only on 7 April 1946. Spoliation
caused revolts of the Melanesians in 1878 and 1917; repression was
fiercy and the local leaders were exiled on Ile des Pins.
In 1956, the Deferre framework law (loi-cadre) created the status of overseas territory (territoire d'outre-mer). The territory was granted a significant autonomy and was ran by a Government Council presided by the High Commissioner of the Republic. The main political party was than a pluri-ethnic, autonomist party called Union calédonienne, founded in 1953 with the motto "Two colours, a single people". In the 1960s, the nickel crisis and the incrased immigration from Wallis and Vanuatu (then called the New Hebrides) broke the consensus: the Melanesians reclamed the independence of the territory and opposed to the loyalists, who wanted to remain part of France. The loyalists joined the Rassemblement pour la Calédonie dans la République (RPCR), founded by Jacques Lafleur on the model of Jacques Chirac's RPR, whereas the Independentist Front was the first step towards the Front National de Libération Kanak Socialiste, founded in August 1984 by Jean-Marie Tjibaou.
The political crisis broke out in 1984-1985 with a series of riots, demonstrations and ambushes, and the proclamation of the state of emergency. The self-determination referendum organized in 13 September 1987 was boycotted by 94% of the Kanaks. The pressure did not stop increasing; in spring 1988, the independentists took 27 gendarmes hostages in the island of Ouvéa. Prime Minister Jacques Chirac ordered the assault just before the second round of the French presidential election; the result was the death of 19 independentists, four gendarmes and two soldiers. Chirac's successor, the Socialist Michel Rocard, was able to convince the two historical leaders Lafleur and Tjibaou to negotiate; the Matignon agreements were signed on 26 June 1988 and approved in November 1988 by referendum. Once again for petty political reasons, Chirac called for abstention; however, the agreements were approved by 80% of the voters. The new status prescribed by the Matignon agreement stated that a referendum on the organization of the territory should be organized ten years later. On 4 May 1989, during the ceremony celebrating the end of the mourning of the Kanaks killed in Ouvéa, the leaders Jean-Marie Tjibaou and Yeiwéné Yeiwéné were murdered by a Kanak extremist.
In 1998, the Socialist Prime Minister Lionel Jospin organized the
negotiation of a new agreement between Jacques Lafleur and Roch
Wamytan, representing the FLNKS. The Nouméa agreement was signed on 5
May 1998. It prescribed a new status for New Caledonia, which is today
a sui generis Collectivity and no longer a Territory. The Organic Law of 19
March 1999 (Loi organique relative à la Nouvelle-Calédonie, #99-209, 19
March 1999, published in the Journal Officiel on 21 March 1999) granted
new institutions to New Caledonia: the Congress, the Government, the
Customary Senate and the Economic and Social Council. On 1 January
2000, several executive competences were transferred to the Government
of New Caledonia. The three main points of the new status are the
creation of the Caledonian citizenship, defined by the right of vote at
the provincial elections; the right allowed to New Caledonia to have
some international action in the Pacific; and the right granted to the
Congress to vote local laws (lois de pays).
The self-determination referendum on the status of New Caledonia is scheduled to 2014; all people having been living in New Caledonia for at least 20 years will be electors.
Ivan Sache, 27 March 2006
Like in other overseas possessions, the only official national flag in New Caledonia is the French Tricolore flag. There are, however, provisions for the adoption of local symbols in the current status of New Caledonia (as it is the case for French Polynesia).
The Nouméa agreement, signed on 5 May 1998, states:
1. L'identité kanakThe Organic Law, signed on 19 March 1999 and prescribing the current status of New Caledonia, states:
1.5. Les symboles
Des signes identitaires du pays, nom, drapeau, hymne, devise, graphismes des billets de banque, devront être recherchés en commun, pour exprimer l'identité kanak et le futur partagé entre tous.
La loi consitutionnelle sur la Nouvelle-Calédonie prévoira la possibilité de changer ce nom, par "loi du pays" adoptée à la majorité qualifiée.
Une mention du nom du pays pourra être apposée sur les documents d'identité, comme signe de citoyenneté.
1. The Kanak identity
Identification symbols for the country, name, flag, anthem, motto, banknote design, shall be searched in common in order to express the Kanak identity and the future shared among all.
The Constitutional Law on New Caledonia shall include the possibility of changing the name of the country, by a local law adopted by qualified majority.
A mention of the name of the country could be added on the identity documents as a sign of citizenship.
La Nouvelle-Calédonie détermine librement les signes identitaires permettant de marquer sa personnalité aux côtés de l'emblème national et des signes de la République. Elle peut décider de modifier son nom.
Ces décisions sont prises dans les conditions fixées au chapitre II du titre III et à la majorité des trois-cinquièmes des membres du Congrès. Article 5
New Caledonia shall determine freely the identity symbols allowing to show its personality beside the national emblem and the symbols of the Republic. It can decide to change its name.
Such decisions shall be taken in the conditions fixed by Chapter II of Title III [that is by a local law] and by a majority of the three-fifths of the members of the Congress.
The Third Committe of the Signatories of the Nouméa Agreement, presided on 17 June 2003 by Brigitte Girardin, Minister of Overseas, stated
that the search for identity symbols should be started.
The Committe gathered on 2 February 2006. The independentists required the set up of identity symbols (country name, flag, anthem) and the recognition of the Kanak identity.
AFP (Agence France-Presse) reports on 12 February 2010 a first step
towards a possible official recognition of the independentist flag of
Interviewed by Les Nouvelles Calédoniennes, the Representative Pierre Frogier, President of Rassemblement-UMP (that is, the anti- independentist, local branch of UMP), proposed to accept the independentist flag (the FLNKS flag) to be flown side by side with the French national flag. The independentist flag would "represent the Melanesian and Oceanian part of New Caledonia, indissociable from its European and French identity". Frogier expects the independentists "to lift any ambiguity and bring the flag as a cultural symbol rid of the violence that taunts it." "Adding our two legitimities, we would have made a new step towards each other", added Frogier.
Frogier's statement is quite surprising since the discussions on the future symbols of New Caledonia, provisioned by the Nouméa Agreement signed in 1998, were rather stuck. Very reluctant with new symbols in the past, Rassemblement-UMP seems to follow now a direction given by President of the Republic Nicolas Sarkozy in his New Years' Wishes. The President expected "discussions to start much earlier than 2014 [the earliest date for the self-determination referendum] to obtain a consensual status that could be approved "by a very large majority".
The independentists have approved Frogier's statement. Charles Pidjot, President of Union Calédonienne, a component of FLNKS, says that "it is a step in a constructive approach for the country. The common future should not remain a literary formula."
Jean-Pierre Djiawé, from Palika, another component of FLNKS, approved the proposal but recalled that in the Loyauté Islands Province, ran by the independentists, the two flags were already used side by side.
Didier Leroux (Center) "would have prefered a common flag" but admitted that Frogier's initiative was "natural".
Ivan Sache & Pascal Vagnat, 17 February 2010